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This work undertakes an analysis of extra-legal institutions in Chinas criminal justice, explaining their resilience and entrenchment with the thesis that sovereign power is premised on juridical mechanisms that allow the suspension of rights.

Abstract
This paper contributes to existing work by exploring how the idea of the United Front in China has gradually changed and developed over time. This has had the power to shape policies and institutions which, at least in the intentions of their reformers, will have a definite impact outside the borders of the People's Republic of China.

Sapio shows how the Chinese government's condemnation of Western values is a 'signal of regime strength rather than weakness' and must be interpreted within the context of Party rhetoric as an attempt to develop an 'indigenous ontology of political concepts.' She argues that the recent moves are part of a larger project to develop a uniquely Chinese perspective on politics and society in order to achieve Chinese 'regional and global hegemony.' She also demonstrates how the attack on Western values is limited to an attack on the liberal democratic ideas and institutions that threaten the 'Party's monopoly over matters of ideology' and do not presage a closing to the West in general but rather a shift in emphasis. She insists that an exegesis that is faithful to an ideology is not necessarily a defense of that ideology. Adapted from the source document.

The Chinese Communist Party plays a crucial role in attempting to create a metanarrative on the history of China. The specific means used to achieve this goal have been analyzed from the viewpoints of politics, history and ideology. The role that political "code-words" play in such a process is still under-explored. This contribution fills part of this gap by exploring the most recent political and ideological concepts that set the boundaries of acceptable discourses on history. Our analysis focuses on an article authored by the China Institute for Historical Research and published in the January 2021 issue of Qiushi. We decode the meaning that this article conveys to policy makers and intellectuals in the People's Republic of China. We also unveil the meaning that this and similar texts might hide to international observers, who do not enjoy an unmediated access to Chinese language sources. ; Il Partito comunista cinese svolge un ruolo cruciale nel tentativo di creare una metanarrativa sulla storia della Cina. I mezzi specifici utilizzati per raggiungere questo obiettivo sono stati analizzati dal punto di vista della politica, della storia e dell'ideologia. Il ruolo che giocano le "parole in codice" politiche in tale processo è ancora poco esplorato. Questo contributo colma parte di questa lacuna esplorando i concetti politici e ideologici più recenti che fissano i confini dei discorsi accettabili sulla storia. La nostra analisi si concentra su un articolo scritto dall'Istituto cinese per la ricerca storicae pubblicato nel numero di gennaio 2021 di Qiushi. Decodificheremo il significato che questo articolo trasmette ai politici e agli intellettuali nella Repubblica popolare cinese, svelando anche il significato che questo e altri testi simili potrebbero nascondere agli osservatori internazionali, che non godono di un accesso immediato alle fonti in lingua cinese.

The Chinese Communist Party plays a crucial role in attempting to create a metanarrative on the history of China. The specific means used to achieve this goal have been analyzed from the viewpoints of politics, history and ideology. The role that political "code-words" play in such a process is still under-explored. This contribution fills part of this gap by exploring the most recent political and ideological concepts that set the boundaries of acceptable discourses on history. Our analysis focuses on an article authored by the China Institute for Historical Research and published in the January 2021 issue of Qiushi. We decode the meaning that this article conveys to policy makers and intellectuals in the People's Republic of China. We also unveil the meaning that this and similar texts might hide to international observers, who do not enjoy an unmediated access to Chinese language sources.

The language of democracy and democratic organization is usually spoken only in the vernacular of liberal democracy. Liberal democracy, mostly of western origin centers legitimacy of a political order on open, full, and free election for representatives, as well as a substantially unregulated civic space in which individuals and others can engage in political discourse. This essentially exogenous form of democratic organization has been increasingly challenged in the 21st century by an alternative model of endogenous democracy more compatible with states organized along Marxist Leninist principles. These emerging forms of endogenous democratic practices have been developed along two distinct lines, one embedded in developing principles for Chinese Marxism-Leninism, and the other grounded in the leadership of Raúl Castro from 2011. It traces the pragmatic and theoretic developments from early efforts around the development of the Guidelines for Reform of 2011, through the articulation of a new political and economic model in 2016, and then emerging in its current 2.0 form in the elaborate process of popular consultation and affirmation of the 2019 Cuban Constitution. The paper covers the challenges, contradictions, and potential for this endogenous form of democracy.